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Back to Contents

Social Justice Report 2007

Chapter 2

Indigenous communities dealing with family violence and abuse: recognising ‘promising practice’ and learning from achievements

• Part 1: Challenges for addressing family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities
• Part 2: Case studies of Indigenous communities tackling family violence and abuse
• Part 3: Learning from 'promising practices' to address family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities

Family violence and abuse occurs at unacceptable rates in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander (Indigenous) communities. We have heard many tragic stories of women, children and young people who have experienced devastating sexual abuse and family violence. It is a scourge that is causing damage and trauma among Indigenous communities, to our women and children, and to the fabric of Indigenous cultures.

The past eighteen months, in particular, has seen significant and sustained media coverage of these issues. Stories of violence and abuse are important and demand to be heard and acted upon. Despite this, however, mainstream media have not reported much about how Indigenous peoples and communities nationally are positively responding to family violence, abuse and neglect.

Across Australia, there are many examples of Indigenous community led initiatives to deal with the devastating impacts of family violence and abuse, and to prevent its occurrence in the first place. Sometimes this is occurring due to the efforts of a single individual, with limited or no government support. Sometimes it is emerging in the face of government inaction or in the face of government bureaucracy that responds slowly, over-cautiously, inflexibly or unimaginatively to these difficult and intransigent problems. In other circumstances, it is occurring through partnerships with individual government agencies, the NGO sector or the courts that are striving to do things differently.

This report highlights existing initiatives aimed at dealing with family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities, and ultimately preventing harm to our women and children.

These initiatives are described as ‘promising practice’ as opposed to ‘best practice’. Part 1 explains this focus on promising practice, as well as definitions and some of the key concepts of family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities.

The case studies provided in this report also complement research undertaken by the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission over the past five years into family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities. A summary of that research was released in 2006 in the publication: Ending family violence and abuse in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities.

Part 1 of this report also recaps on the key challenges for addressing family violence in Indigenous communities identified through this earlier research, and the key elements of a human rights based approach to family violence.

Part 2 of the report then presents case studies of promising practice in dealing with family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities. The case studies are presented under the following themes:

• Community education and community development;
• Healing;
• Alcohol management;
• Men’s groups;
• Family support and child protection;
• Safe houses; and
• Offender programs.

Part 3 of the report then draws together the common themes from the case studies and lessons for holistic intervention to prevent violence and abuse in Indigenous communities.

What this chapter shows is that, quite simply, there are many Indigenous individuals, organisations and communities that are working tirelessly to combat family violence and abuse, even if the mainstream media does not report this. As I have argued previously:

we need to confront family violence, but also do so by reinforcing the inherent worth and dignity of Indigenous peoples, not by vilifying and demonising all Indigenous peoples.^[1]

This collection of case studies goes some way to recognising the positives and celebrating the victories of dedicated Indigenous peoples across Australia, as well as acknowledging the often severe hardships and challenges that they continue to face.

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Part 1: Challenges for addressing family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities

Definitions of family violence and child abuse

Over the years there have been enough reports and inquiries into family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities to fill all the bookshelves of politicians and bureaucrats around the country.

In the past eighteen months, for example, the following significant reports have been released:

• Ampe Akelyernemane Meke Mekarle ‘Little Children are Sacred’^[2] - Report of the Northern Territory Board of Inquiry into the Protection of Aboriginal Children from Sexual Abuse;
• Breaking the Silence: Creating the Future. Addressing Child Sexual Assault in Aboriginal Communities in New South Wales^[3] – The report of the NSW Aboriginal Child Sexual Assault Taskforce; and
• Ending family violence and abuse in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities^[4] - an overview of research and findings of the Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission related to family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities.

An overview of the major inquiries and reports across all Australian jurisdictions is provided in Appendices 2 - 3 of this report. The appendices also provide an overview of the responses of all governments to these reports, including through joint agreement at the Council of Australian Governments (COAG).

The term ‘family violence’ is the preferred terminology that identifies the experiences of Indigenous people. It is much broader than the regular definition of ‘domestic violence’ and recognises the complex interaction of different factors that contribute to violence and abuse in Indigenous communities. Previously, I have defined family violence as:

any use of force, be it physical or non-physical, which is aimed at controlling another family member or community member and which undermines that person’s well-being. It can be directed towards and individual, family, community or a particular group. Family violence is not limited to physical forms of abuse, and also includes cultural and spiritual abuse. There are interconnecting and trans-generational experiences of violence within Indigenous communities.^[5]

Similarly, my Office has noted that:

Indigenous women’s experience of discrimination and violence is bound up in the colour of their skin as well as their gender. The identity of many Indigenous women is bound to their experience as Indigenous people. Rather than sharing a common experience of sexism binding them with non-Indigenous women, this may bind them more to their community, including the men of the community.

Strategies for addressing family violence in Indigenous communities need to acknowledge that a consequence of this is that an Indigenous woman ‘may be unable or unwilling to fragment their identity by leaving the community, kin, family or partners’ as a solution to the violence.^[6]

Child sexual abuse is one of the most horrific crimes imaginable, but it is not the only form of abuse that occurs. In this report I adopt a broad definition of child abuse. As set out in Text Box 1 below, child abuse includes sexual abuse, physical abuse, emotional abuse and neglect.

Measuring Violence and Abuse in Indigenous Communities

Family Violence

Measuring family violence in Indigenous communities is notoriously difficult and all data should be treated with caution.

The best attempts to establish a statistical picture of family violence are hampered by the low levels of reporting to police. Similarly, when we try and establish how many Indigenous people are involved as offenders in the criminal justice system as a result of family violence we have even greater problems due to the way data is collected. Data is collected on the Indigenous status of the offender and the most serious offence, but not on the relationship of the victim to the offender so we have no way of knowing whether the offence fits the family violence category.^[8] Where the Indigenous status of the victim is recorded, the relationship with the offender is not reported.

Despite the limitations of the data we do know that nationally 28.5% of all Indigenous offenders in custody were sentenced for ‘acts intended to cause injury’.^[9] This is 2.7 times higher than the non-Indigenous rate^[10] and makes up the majority of offences committed by Indigenous people as at 30 June 2006. Sexual assault makes up around 10% of all sentenced Indigenous prisoners.^[11] Once again, we do not know the relationship of the offender to the victim but we can safely assume from this data that violence is a significant problem for Indigenous offenders.

Text Box 2 sets out some of the key statistics that are available in regard to family violence.

Child Abuse

The Australian Institute of Health and Welfare collates child protection data.^[17] The most recent child protection data shows that nationally, Indigenous children are:

• 7 times more likely to be in out of home care than non-Indigenous children;^[18]
• 5 times more likely to be the subject of a substantiated case of abuse;^[19] and
• 6 times more likely to be on a care and protection order.^[20]

There is considerable variation between jurisdictions. Table 1 below shows the number and rate of Indigenous children on care and protection orders, compared to non-Indigenous children. For instance, in Victoria the rate of care and protection orders for Indigenous children is 52.8 per 1,000, while in the Northern Territory it is only 11.4 per 1,000. Given what has come to light in the Northern Territory recently, this may say more about systemic failures of the child protection system (such as under-reporting) than the actual level of abuse. Issues around under reporting will be discussed further below.

Table 1 - Children on care and protection orders: number and rate per 1,000 children aged 0-17 years, by Indigenous status and state and territory, at 30 June 2005^[21]

It is notable that Indigenous children are far more likely than non-Indigenous children to be the subject of a substantiation of neglect. For instance, in Western Australia around 40% of Indigenous children were in contact with child protection services for neglect, compared to only 30% of non-Indigenous children.^[22]

The high level of neglect is inconsistent with the popular media images of child abuse associated with sexual assault. It is, however, consistent with what we know about the socio-economic conditions of many Indigenous communities. Overcrowding, unemployment and lack of services are all hallmarks of the disadvantage that breeds neglect. The discussion on abuse needs to consider the role of government failure to provide adequate services and opportunities in fostering these conditions, as well as focusing on the responsibilities of families and communities.

However, all of these statistics need to be treated with caution. The Anderson and Wild report, Ampe Akelyernemane Meke Mekarle ‘Little Children are Sacred’ is the latest in a long line of reports that argues that child abuse is chronically under reported in all communities, but especially Indigenous communities. This is partly due to fear built on past experiences that:

• the child victim of abuse will be ostracised by the community;
• a past history of interaction with powerful authorities presently represented by FACS and Police (history of Stolen Generations);
• possible removal of the child from the community (history of children never returning); and
• the perpetrator going to jail and implications of this in terms of community repercussions (memory of deaths in custody).^[23]

Anderson and Wild also found that feelings of shame prevented some people from reporting, especially in the light of negative media portrayals that stereotype all Indigenous men as abusers. Feelings of ambivalence also reduced reporting, given that many of the experiences of reporting abuse have been negative and had little benefit for the child or community.^[24] In the context of remote Northern Territory communities there was also a lack of understanding about what actually constitutes sexual abuse, an inaccessible reliance on English in the reporting process and no police to report to.^[25]

It is not just community members that are failing to report abuse. Anderson and Wild also found that some service providers who are mandatory reporters under legislation are also reluctant to report abuse for similar reasons around the inadequacy of the child protection response.^[26]

Causes of violence and abuse

Violence

It is impossible to provide the definitive explanation of why family violence is such a significant problem in Indigenous communities, given the complexity and range of different circumstances. However, Paul Memmott, Rachael Stacy, Catherine Chambers and Catherine Keys, in their comprehensive report, Violence in Indigenous Communities, provide a useful framework. They argue that causes should be categorised as underlying factors; situational factors; and precipitating causes.^[27]

Underlying factors relate to the historical experience of Indigenous peoples. Contemporary violence cannot be separated from past experiences of colonisation, including the forcible removal of children from their families. Many communities have not recovered from colonisation. For instance, the Memmott report notes that Indigenous communities in Queensland with the worst incidence of violent crimes are all former missions.^[28]

Situational factors contribute, rather than cause violence. There is an almost endless list of situational factors but some of the most common are:

• family problems;
• financial problems;
• loss of close family members;
• unemployment;
• mental health problems;
• anger;
• alcohol and other drugs;^[29]
• pornography;^[30]
• boredom;^[31]
• lack of available resources and programs to prevent violence;^[32]
• a subculture that tolerates violence;^[33] and
• poverty.^[34]

Precipitating causes are the triggers to violence and can be almost anything, for instance:

making a pass at a defacto; quarrelling between husband and wife; children fighting at school; accidentally knocking someone over at sport; arguing over a game of cards; ‘driving past’ a persons house; not inviting someone to a wedding or birthday; borrowing something and forgetting to give it back; disagreeing over the ownership of a sports uniform; the arrival of a ‘stranger’ in town; spreading false rumours; carrying yarns; and making a put down remark.^[43]

The point of this framework is that it shows that interventions need to target all of the causes and factors holistically, from dealing with the trivial triggers through to history and entrenched social issues.

Child Abuse

The causes of child abuse and neglect are also complex and inter related. As Diagram 1 below shows, risk factors for child abuse or neglect can be found at parent, child, family and community levels. The risk factors listed below apply to all communities, not just Indigenous communities. However, the social disadvantage that many Indigenous people face means that more of these risk factors apply.

Diagram 1 – Multi-level risk factors associated with child abuse^[44]

Parent

• Young age
• Low education attainment
• Single mother
• Poor parenting skills
• Early exposure to violence
• Substance misuse
  Inadequate parental care
  Relationship problems
  Physical/mental illness

Child

• Poor supervision by parents
• High level of personal autonomy
• Gender
• Disability

Community/Society

• Social inequalities
• Acceptance of violence
• Unenforced laws

Family

• Poor socio-economic status
• Overcrowded living conditions
• Social isolation
• High levels of stress
• Family abuse/domestic violence
• History of violence
• Alcohol/substance misuse

The presence of a risk factor in a child or family situation does not mean that child abuse or neglect will follow. The majority of Indigenous families care for their children well, despite the odds often being stacked against them. Another common misconception is that all children who have been abused will go on to perpetrate abuse on others. Once again, the majority will not. Our best estimates are that around 30% will go on to become abusive parents. ^[45] Notwithstanding, we need to put proper services in place to try and break this cycle of violence. We also need to recognise the resilience of so many individuals in Indigenous communities.

There is no ‘magic bullet’ to solve the problems of family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities. However, we know that there are a range of program areas that must be addressed holistically to promote change. These program areas include:

• Support programs;
• Identity programs;
• Behavioural change;
• Night patrols;
• Refuges and shelters;
• Justice programs;
• Dispute resolution;
• Education and awareness raising; and
• Holistic composite programs.^[46]

Adopting a human rights based approach to family violence and abuse

The Human Rights and Equal Opportunity Commission has advocated that a human rights based approach be adopted to address issues of family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities.^[47]

A human rights based approach takes into account the multitude of factors impacting on the capacity for Indigenous women and children to enjoy freedom from violence and abuse. It recognises that:

• Indigenous women, children and men are entitled to live their lives in safety and with dignity, free from fear of violence or abuse. This is a cultural and human right.
• Indigenous women’s experience of discrimination and violence is a complex intersection of inequality based on race and gender.
• Indigenous people have the right to full and effective participation in decisions which directly or indirectly affect their lives, including participation and partnership in program planning, development, implementation and evaluation.
• There are broader social and economic factors which impact on the enjoyment of rights by Indigenous people, with a consequent need for a holistic approach that addresses the causes and consequences of violence and abuse.^[48]

A human rights based approach also emphasises transparency and accountability. The development of rigorous benchmarking, monitoring and reporting systems allows the measurement of the exercise and enjoyment of people’s rights over time. A human rights based approach offers an integrated framework which connects and considers all human rights, thereby providing a holistic response to, and addressing the causes and consequences of, violence and abuse in Indigenous communities.

The United Nations Common Understanding of Human Rights Based Approach to Development Cooperation sets out necessary elements of policy development and service delivery under a human rights based approach as follows:

1. People are recognised as key actors in their own development, rather than passive recipients of commodities and services.
2. Participation is both a means and a goal.
3. Strategies are empowering, not disempowering.
4. Both outcomes and processes are monitored and evaluated.
5. Analysis includes all stakeholders.
6. Programmes focus on marginalized, disadvantaged, and excluded groups.
7. The development process is locally owned.
8. Programmes aim to reduce disparity.
9. Both top-down and bottom-up approaches are used in synergy.
10. Situation analysis is used to identity immediate, underlying, and basic causes of development problems.
11. Measurable goals and targets are important in programming.
12. Strategic partnerships are developed and sustained.
13. Programmes support accountability to all stakeholders. ^[49]

The Ending family violence and abuse in Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities report identified ten key challenges for addressing family violence and child abuse issues from a human rights perspective. These are contained in Text Box 4 below.

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Part 2: Case studies of Indigenous communities tackling family violence and abuse

This part of the report contains 19 case studies organised around the themes of:

1. Community education and community development;
2. Healing;
3. Alcohol management;
4. Men’s groups;
5. Family support and child protection;
6. Safe houses; and
7. Offender programs.

The case studies were selected following consultation with experts and Indigenous peak groups, as well as inviting contributions from government agencies.^[51]

The case studies address all of these different areas in innovative ways. Taken together they show the breadth of intervention required to address family violence and abuse.

Looking at ‘promising practices’ provides us with the opportunity to learn. It reminds us that there is already a great deal of knowledge and expertise about how to confront violence and abuse. Like so many areas of Indigenous policy, we need to look at what is already achieving results and find ways to extend and if possible, replicate these successes.

I have deliberately chosen the term ‘promising practice’ over ‘best practice’. Best practice is a term from the business world and states that best practice approaches need to be ‘replicable, transferable and adaptable’.^[52] The Aboriginal Healing Foundation in Canada has noted:

The problem with ‘best practices’ as I’ve been experiencing it, is that it comes out of the research that is decidedly not Aboriginal. We have to convince academics and particularly funders that there are alternative forms of practice.^[53]

Indigenous communities are diverse. This means that we need to be very careful about proclaiming best practice, transplanting it to another community and then just expecting it to work. ‘Promising practice’ is a slightly more tentative term, but still allows us to recognise and develop strengths.

A common feature across many areas of Indigenous affairs is that a lack of funding and capacity has prevented formal evaluation. That is also the situation with some of the programs featured in the case studies in this report – another reason why the term ‘best practice’ is not the most appropriate term to use.

All of the case studies have demonstrated significant improvements in the lives of individuals, families and communities, yet we cannot always conclusively demonstrate this through the statistical evaluation data that governments’ privilege. One of the challenges that this demonstrates is to listen to communities and ensure that evaluation is conducted in a situational and culturally appropriate way.

The case studies presented here all provide an insight into what is working and for whom, why and how. This should stimulate and inspire others to learn from these experiences.

a) Indigenous Community Education and Community Development Initiatives

Community education and community development approaches may hold the key to preventing family violence and abuse in Indigenous communities into the longer term. Community education and in particular human rights education, sends the message that family violence is not acceptable and will not be tolerated. Community development activities go one step further to identify and build community capacity to develop and sustain positive change.

Community education, in the context of family violence and abuse prevention, aims to:

• raise awareness about the incidence of violence and abuse in the community;
• promote anti-violence messages;
• reinforce that violence is not part of Indigenous culture and won’t be tolerated;
• promote the legal obligations and rights of individuals; and
• offer appropriate referrals information to services for further support.

Research into family violence and abuse has consistently highlighted the need for community education and awareness-raising. Memmott and others argue that community education programs are vital ‘early proactive’^[54] strategies that can ‘counter any likelihood of violence as soon as possible’.^[55]

Recently, the Little Children are Sacred report identified the critical importance of education in both the formal school system and at the community level. The report states:

All information gathered leads us to conclude that education is the key to solving (or at least ameliorating) the incidence of child sexual assault in Aboriginal communities. By education, we not only mean that which occurs in schools, but that which occurs in its wider context, i.e. with communication and media. Education must clearly explain:

• the importance of education as a means in itself;
• that sexual contact between adults and children is NOT normal;
• what sexual abuse is;
• that attending school is compulsory;
• that in dealing with children, parents‘ responsibilities are paramount i.e. that the parents must TAKE RESPONSIBILITY for their children:
  • attending school
  • being fedbeing fed
  • wearing clean clothes
  • not wandering the streets unsupervised
  • learning traditional law and culture
  • obeying both Aboriginal and European law.^[56]

Specifically in relation to the need for community education about sexual abuse, the report stated:

Little information is actually communicated to the general Aboriginal population in any real, effective way. Governments have a tendency to speak, in English, to a few Aboriginal people who often do not have the resources to widely disseminate that information. Thus, important information gets “bottle necked”, yet governments feel they have communicated this information to Aboriginal people. As a result, many Aboriginal people remain powerless because they do not have access to information. It is the Inquiry’s view that, regardless of whether it is a public health message, changes to legislation or providing information about child sexual abuse, information must be communicated to Aboriginal people in their local language if we are serious about properly engaging with Aboriginal people.^[57]

The report identified an urgent need for education on:

the nature and types of child sexual abuse, other forms of child abuse and neglect, their significant detrimental effects to the child, family and community, and other concepts, such as the age of consent and what non-Aboriginal laws say about these matters.^[58]

It recommended that a range of community education projects be undertaken to raise awareness of and prevent child sexual abuse, with a particular emphasis on:

• developing appropriate resource information on sexual abuse and conducting regular media campaigns that explains what sexual abuse is;
• expanding delivery of mandatory reporting training to professionals including school staff;
• utilising high profile Aboriginal men and women to provide positive, proactive leadership on the prevention of sexual abuse and the setting of appropriate community norms for sexual behaviour;
• ensuring messages are in language and delivered through a number of mediums; and
• ensuring sexual health and personal safety programs are in all schools as part of the curriculum.^[59]

Research has also consistently shown that effective education must be community driven. Community members are best equipped to respond to issues as they have first hand knowledge of the family violence and abuse dynamics and the social capacity of the community itself.^[60]

The Little Children are Sacred report also recognises this by calling for governments to engage ‘in a dialogue with communities to discuss the particular education that might be needed in a specific community and how that education can best occur’.^[61] This partnership approach also reflects an essential component of a human rights based approach to addressing family violence and abuse. Namely that:

Partnerships require: the full and effective participation of indigenous peoples; the opportunity for indigenous peoples to identify concerns, prioritize them and propose solutions that are community driven; and respect, and support indigenous peoples’ chosen form(s) of representation, including traditional or customary authority structures.^[62]

Successful community education programs build on the knowledge, as well as the specific needs of the community. An anti-violence campaign for an urban area like Redfern will most likely have different content and delivery than a campaign for a remote Aboriginal community (where there is likely to be a lower level of awareness of concepts of sexual abuse and its unlawfulness, as well as less access to enforcement mechanisms such as police and child protection workers).

Community education goes hand in hand with community development. Community development refers to a way of working with rather than for communities to increase their capacity and ability to find their own solutions. Community development and capacity building often needs to take place before communities are able to take ownership of community education activities.

Community development helps community generate their own solutions and build on strengths. Often this leads to a recognition and revitalisation of traditional laws and cultural knowledge to establish positive norms that challenge violence and abuse.

This section highlights the following promising practices in relation to community education and community development:

1. Blackout Violence Project - a community education project based in Redfern using sport as the medium to communicate anti-violence messages;
2. Mildura Family Violence and Sexual Assault Campaign - a public awareness campaign against family violence and sexual assault developed in partnership with the local community and Victoria Police;
3. Koora the Kangaroo Violence Prevention - a school based anti-violence campaign;
4. Mawul Rom Project - a training program blending traditional and contemporary dispute resolution methods; and
5. Balgo Women’s Law Camp - a community cultural development project reinforcing culture and developing strategies against family violence and abuse.

These programs share some common features. They:

• are driven by the community;
• recognise the diversity of Indigenous people and respond to the needs of individual communities;
• build on community knowledge and strengths; and
• are based on partnerships with government and non-government organisations.

I) Blackout Violence Project

Blackout Violence Project: Tackling family violence head on at the annual Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout.

The Blackout Violence Project is a community generated anti-violence campaign that began in Redfern, NSW. It uses rugby league as a vehicle for getting anti-violence messages out to the community and provide information about available services and support for victims of violence.

Redfern is an inner city suburb in Sydney and one of the best known Indigenous communities in Australia. The Redfern Aboriginal community centres around ‘the Block’ in Eveleigh St. While Redfern has a permanent Indigenous population of only 251 people (or 3.4% of the suburb’s population),^[63] it has historically been a meeting place that attracts Indigenous people from around New South Wales and Australia. There are also large Indigenous populations in surrounding suburbs.

Redfern is identified with the struggle for Indigenous rights. It is home to some of the founding Indigenous community controlled organisations such as the Redfern Aboriginal Medical Service. Whilst there are a number of serious social problems in Redfern, compounded by the transient nature of the population passing through, there are also a number of well respected and effective services and a tradition of strong advocacy for the community.

The Blackout Violence Project grew from the outcry of local Aboriginal women following the violent sexual assault of a woman at ‘the Block’. The perpetrators were confronted by the women who then held a peaceful protest in the streets of Redfern. More than 100 people attended the protest, along with speakers emphasising that something needed to be done about the problem and that community responsibility needed to be taken. Eventually the two men responsible for the rape were shamed into leaving the area.

These actions demonstrated the powerful nature of non-violent action. The community then began considering how to get the message that family violence and abuse is unacceptable across to a bigger audience, leading to the Blackout Violence Project. The Project itself is the product of the collective effort of organisations such as Mudgin-gal Women’s Centre, Redfern Legal Centre, the Metropolitan Land Council as well as the Inner City Domestic Violence Action Group.

The Blackout Violence Project initially used popular National Rugby League games to launch its anti-violence campaign. The message behind the campaign as described by Mudgin-gal Aboriginal Women’s Corporation representative, Dixie Link-Gordon is simple:

Enough is enough. Family violence has no part in our culture. It is not the Koori way and it needs to stop. ^[64]

The objectives of the Blackout Violence Project are to:

• increase awareness in the community of the impact of violence and what action can be taken against it;
• send a strong message to the wider Aboriginal community of the unacceptable nature of family violence and abuse;
• provide community ownership and responsibility over community issues; and
• demonstrate the leadership of the NSW Aboriginal Rugby League community.

Blackout Violence used the 2004 NSW Aboriginal Rugby League Knockout to officially launch the campaign. Being the largest gathering of Aboriginal people in NSW, the knockout was the perfect opportunity to get the information out to as many people as possible.

Over 80 teams wore purple armbands to show their support of the anti-violence message. The players each had messages on the back of their jerseys in support of the program and over 2,000 information kits were distributed to players and spectators throughout the four day knockout carnival. These contained information on how to access support and services for those enduring abuse as well as outlining information to assist in the prevention of violence.

Approaching its fourth year of operation, the Blackout Violence Project is now looking at taking the next step in addressing family violence. The Project has focused heavily on raising community awareness of the effects of family violence on Aboriginal families across NSW.

Phase two of the Project looks at building on the success of the original project, by linking up with interstate community organisations in the hope of expanding the Blackout message. The project is currently co-ordinating with other groups, including Queensland’s Murri Sisters group and networks within the north-western NSW community of Brewarrina.

The Blackout Violence Project has received numerous government and community accolades since its inception in 2004. It was recognised at the 2004 NSW Violence Against Women Prevention Awards and has recently been documented as a successful program in the ANTaR publication, Success stories in Indigenous health: A showcase of successful Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander health projects.^[65]

Blackout Violence has not been formally evaluated but the success and community support for the project has been overwhelming. Dixie Link-Gordon notes that:

from the minute we rolled out the project, we were swamped with non-stop phone-calls on information about the project and how it could be used to model similar strategies back in other communities. ^[66]

The impact of Blackout Violence has led to other community education projects, such as ‘Enough is Enough’, a project aimed at the broader community of Redfern.

The success of the program has led to the employment of a part time education officer who, in conjunction with community organisations such as the Redfern Legal Centre and Wirringa Baiya Aboriginal Women’s Legal Centre, is working on an education package. The package shows women and other interested parties how to go about setting up their own family violence support groups and includes other important information on family violence prevention and training.

Blackout Violence has been running for three years with a high level of success and for most part, with very little government funding. Following the NSW Violence Against Women Prevention Award funding was received from the federal Department of Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs (FaCSIA) for a one year period.

The project is inevitably limited in the absence of any secured long term funding. The project will continue to run alongside community initiatives such as the Inner City Domestic Violence Action Group, but its future outside of that remains unclear.

The project is already overstretched, with current funds only being sufficient to support the employment of an education officer for 18 hours a week. This is a particularly small amount of time to effectively facilitate the workings of an already overworked, under resourced, but much needed community program.

II) Mildura Family Violence and Sexual Assault Awareness Campaign

Mildura Family Violence and Sexual Assault campaign

Victoria Police, in consultation the local Mildura Indigenous community, have developed a series of television commercials and posters to communicate anti-violence messages. What makes this campaign unique was the very strong partnership with the community, which has led to improved community/ police relations.

Mildura is a major regional and agricultural centre in Victoria. It is on the Victorian and NSW border and has a population of almost 50,000. Like many rural towns across Australia, Mildura has been hard hit by the drought, impacting on a range of social indicators.

The Indigenous population for the region is 1,433 people, or 2.9% of the population,^[69] which is slightly higher than the Australia average of 2.3% of the population.^[70] The traditional owners of Mildura are the Latje Latje people.

Although Mildura is a regional centre and reasonably well resourced in terms of social services, including Indigenous organisations like the Mildura Aboriginal Corporation and the Murray Valley Aboriginal Cooperative, Indigenous people still lag behind on a number of social indicators. There is a 23.5% Indigenous unemployment rate, ^[71] compared to 5.6% for non-Indigenous people in Mildura and only 11.3% of Indigenous people in Mildura have completed Year 12.^[72] Anecdotally, family violence, abuse and anti-social behaviour amongst young people, are all reported as important issues that the local Indigenous community would like to tackle.

Description of the Mildura Family Violence and Sexual Assault Awareness Campaign

The campaign came out of Victoria Police consultations with local Indigenous community representatives for the pilot of the Sexual Assault Investigation Model. During consultations, the Mildura Aboriginal Corporation and the Murray Valley Aboriginal Cooperative identified the lack of accessible and culturally appropriate information regarding sexual assault, as well as the normalisation of sexual assault and family violence.

Acting on this information Victoria Police provided funding to initiate a community awareness campaign, to be developed in partnership with the community. This process commenced in July 2005. The partnership involved all relevant Indigenous groups working in the area, including:

• Mildura Aboriginal Corporation;
• Murray Valley Aboriginal Cooperative;
• local and regional Family Violence Action groups (part of the Indigenous Family Violence Partnership Forum);
• local and regional Aboriginal Justice Advisory Committees (part of the Victorian Aboriginal Justice Advisory Committee);
• Aboriginal Family Violence Legal and Prevention Service ; and
• Koori Court representatives.

One of the project managers from Victoria Police, who was involved in the process, noted that community groups were initially ‘very suspicious’ about Victoria Police’s commitment to the concept.^[73] However, a great deal of trust was built as the relationships emerged and it became clear that the campaign really was community centred (for example, with Victoria Police having minimal input into the content of the advertisements).

The funding primarily came from Victoria Police. In total it cost around $110,000 to produce television advertisements to be run in the Mildura/ Robinvale area for 12 months, as well as complementary posters.^[74]

Three television advertisements were developed and have been running on Mildura television since October 2006 and will end in December 2007. The three advertisements have all focused on different target groups:

• Women - featuring local women encouraging others to report violence;
• Women and children - focusing on the impact of violence on children; and
• Men - featuring AFL star Adam Goodes with the message that violence is not acceptable.

The three advertisements deliver simple but powerful messages of anti-violence. The advertisement targeting men uses black and white still pictures of the faces of local Indigenous men with spoken anti-violence messages. It culminates with a shot of Adam Goodes stating that ‘sexual abuse and violence is shame. Strong men walk away’.

The other advertisements are in a similar format with still photos of the faces of women and children interspersed with the messages that family violence and sexual abuse is not okay and encouraging people to seek help.

Some of the catch-phrases for the campaign are:

‘Violence and sexual abuse against women is not part of our culture...help break the cycle’

‘not our culture...not our way’

‘protect our children... ask for help’

‘tell somebody’

‘don’t wreck out families... speak out now’

‘strong men walk away’

The advertisements also offer a point of referral for victims of violence. This referral is to the Aboriginal Family Violence Legal Service, rather than the Police. This is another attempt to ensure that the message and content is culturally accessible. It balances the reluctance some community members might have about reporting violence to Police with the need to provide an appropriate point of referral that can provide legal and other support to victims and family members.

Impact of Mildura Family Violence and Sexual Assault Awareness Campaign

There was no funding allocated for an evaluation of the campaign but anecdotally the feedback has been very positive. According to Victoria Police, the ‘the actual process of developing the ads was as important as the end product’.^[75] The process has built trust between Victoria Police and the Mildura Indigenous community. As a result Victoria Police have developed ongoing relationships with all of the partnership members. This has long term benefits and:

will provide Victoria Police with a basis for ongoing consultation in relation to other issues associated with sexual assault and family violence as well as the potential to consult on a range of other issues affecting policing and the Indigenous communities in the area. ^[76]

For instance, Victoria Police are now using these networks to negotiate protocols about how to respond to incidents of family violence and sexual assault in the Indigenous community. Given the initial sense of suspicion about engaging with police in this sort of project, it is very significant that Indigenous groups are now so actively involved in shaping Police practices.

Victoria Police believes that ‘the impact of the campaign will be seen in the long term given that violence and sexual assault and non-reporting to police are such entrenched problems.’^[77] The improved relationship between community and police has laid the ground work for better recognition of the problem and more reporting. For example, one of the Indigenous women involved in the process and who appeared in the advertisement, is now employed as the Aboriginal Community Liaison Officer with the Police in Mildura. It is hoped that combined with the advertising campaign, this will help improve reporting of violence and sexual assault.

III) Koora the Kangaroo Violence Prevention Program

Early Intervention: Koora the Kangaroo draws on cultural traditions to promote anti-violence messages at Woorabinda State School.

© Qld Centre for Domestic and Family Violence Research (2005).

Koora the Kangaroo Violence Prevention Program is a school based violence prevention program that has been piloted in Woorabinda State School in Queensland. It is an Indigenous developed program that builds on community partnerships to promote non-violence messages and greater pride and connection to culture.

Woorabinda is an Indigenous community in central Queensland, about 200 kilometres from Rockhampton. Woorabinda was established as a Queensland Government Reserve in 1927, and at least 17 different language groups were forcibly moved there.

In the 1980s the land was handed over to the local community to manage as a Deed of Grant in Trust. Woorabinda now has a population of 851 people, 805 of whom are Indigenous.^[80] Woorabinda is reasonably well serviced. Within the township there is a hospital, State school,  preschool, Council run high school (Wadja), CDEP office, day care centre, retail store, café, Police station, churches,  Council office, post office, pool, stadium, family centre, old peoples home (HAAC), women’s shelter and garage.

Woorabinda has a young population with the median age of only 19 years.^[81] This equates to a lot of school age children in the community. The community is serviced by Woorabinda State School which has an Indigenous only enrolment of approximately 178 children.^[82] Woorabinda State School describes the school population as ‘highly transient’^[83] and notes that truancy is a problem.^[84]

Description of the Koora the Kangaroo Violence Prevention Program

The idea for Koora the Kangaroo came from Ailsa Weazel, a local community member and community worker, who had noted an increase in violence in Woorabinda and decrease in respect among children for Elders and culture. Ailsa Weazel states:

This behaviour came about because violence was being accepted as the ‘norm’ within my community and I really felt there was a desperate need to bring peace and hope to the children.^[85]

This approach acknowledges the detrimental effects of family violence on children and builds on research which shows that the:

Impacts of witnessing family violence for children indicate that these children often show more aggressive and antisocial behaviours, as well as post traumatic stress symptoms, fearful and inhibited behaviours and show poorer social skills than other children. Such children are also more likely to develop attitudes that justify and normalise the use of violence in relationships.^[86]

The program recognises the impact schooling can have on the social, behavioural and moral development of children in challenging perceptions of violence.

Ailsa Weazel entered into a partnership with the Queensland Centre for Domestic and Family Violence Research, as well as the Woorabinda State School to develop a program to respond to these concerns. Koora the Kangaroo was implemented in 2004.

Koora the Kangaroo uses traditional modes such as storytelling to promote community values and highlight ongoing community issues such as family violence and respect for themselves and others. There are four layers of intervention in the program:

1. Koora the Kangaroo mascot- a life sized mascot used to capture the children’s attention and engage them in educational component of the program and broader community awareness.
2. Stories written by Ailsa Weazel which draw on traditional culture to communicate anti-violence messages.
3. School based visits by community members to tell the stories and conduct other cultural activities like traditional dancing and art.
4. Teacher’s resource package to support learning beyond the community led sessions, as well as providing additional skills in culturally appropriate work for teachers.

Some of the key messages from the Koora the Kangaroo stories are as follows:

‘We must not let violence destroy our family. We must look after each other and talk and work things out’

‘Koora asked the Elders to talk about old times and the respect that each member of the family should show in order to one day be a wise leader in their own families and to live in peace and harmony.’

‘Violence does not help us at all. Hitting, punching, pushing, bullying, or any other sort of abuse is violence. Violence is not our way!’

‘I know what’s wrong with you- you lack self esteem! ... Self esteem is when you can be proud of yourself for just being you ‘cause no one else is like you.’

‘Our way is to look after each other and take care of ourselves. When you are older, other will look up to you and ask for your wisdom and guidance. That’s why it is important to listen and learn from Elders, parents and teachers- they will help you learn how to make good decisions and be a wise leader’.^[87]

Koora the Kangaroo is aimed at children in the junior grades at primary school (Preschool to Year 4) as well as the intermediate level of those children in primary school to early high school years (Year 5- Year 7). The program was delivered to Woorabinda State School over a 6 month term with 6 school based sessions over irregular intervals due to school and program facilitator constraints.

Impact of the Koora the Kangaroo Violence Prevention Program

The program has been evaluated by the Queensland Centre for Domestic and Family Violence Research. In evaluating the program they:

• looked at the student’s responses and recollections of the key messages;
• developed quantitative baseline and post program surveys completed by teachers about student aggression;
• convened staff group discussions exploring teacher perception of usefulness and efficacy of the program; and
• conducted individual case studies with four teachers examining in-depth their perceptions of the children’s experiences of the program and perceptions of the teachers’ resource package.

Teachers at Woorabinda State School highlighted the important role the Koora the Kangaroo program in affecting the day to day behaviours of children. Feedback showed that children were very responsive to the messages and values imparted by the Koora project when it came to classroom behaviour and interactions with others.

The teachers also reported an overall reduction in violence levels in the classroom, resulting in a reduction of the occurrence of violence from daily and many times daily, to regularly to occasionally.^[88]

Importantly, the program also had positive outcomes for the cultural awareness of both the students and teaching staff. The teacher’s resource package provide the teachers with information regarding culturally sensitive practice, but also improved their knowledge on Aboriginal family structures, law, kinship and values. One teacher stated that the package ‘helps me understand what I’m seeing in the children’^[89] to help build culturally secure teaching practices.

The program also helped strengthen pride in the student’s cultural identity and:

provided a setting for children to experience pride and success in activities that connected them with Aboriginal culture.^[90]

For instance, one teacher remarked that she had observed children taking more pride in themselves:

They want to respect each other and adults, indicating that the children are now listening, settling and participating, sharing and communicating respectfully. They are demonstrating pride in their learning. One child said to me, ‘Hey, we’re getting clever aren’t we!’^[91]

The Koora the Kangaroo program had to compete for time and space in the busy school curriculum. Feedback from teaching staff at school indicated that it may have been delivered more effectively if better integrated with the school’s own Values Education program. However, the teachers were still supportive of the program, even in this context, stating that:

The stories are especially useful as they are Indigenous friendly; this is something the Values Education program lacks.^[92]

Another major challenge was the irregularity of the program. As maintained by one member of teaching staff:

I feel that more regular visits would have been a benefit. These students have to depend on consistency for behaviour reasons and a lesson here or there can be disruptive to them.^[93]

This irregularity stemmed from the very heavy demands on Ailsa Weazel and other community member’s time. All of the community members already have other community commitments like participation in the Community Justice Group and cultural commitments such as ‘sorry business’.^[94]

Despite these challenges, the program evaluation demonstrated a largely positive impact on the students and the school Principal expressed enthusiasm for increasing the presence of the Koora program in the school.  However, no-one took on the role of driving the school’s take-up of the program, and consequently the Koora program dropped off the school’s agenda.  This unfortunate outcome highlights the importance of building and maintaining solid and reciprocal relationships between schools and communities.

However, in the meantime, Ailsa Weazel has taken Koora the Kangaroo and the stories to other communities such as Mount Isa. Good outcomes have been reported from this also. There have also been negotiations with the Queensland Education Department to use the story books in the broader curriculum.^[95]

There is a great deal that can be learnt from the Koora the Kangaroo program even though it is no longer running in Woorabinda. In fact, the challenges as much as the successes provide important lessons for developing school based education programs for Indigenous children.

IV) Mawul Rom Project^[97]

Cross cultural mediation: Yolngu elders and police officers at Mawul Rom training in Arnhem Land (c) Mawul Rom, 2007

Mawul Rom is a traditional dispute resolution ceremony that belongs to the Yolngu people of Eastern Arnhem Land in the Northern Territory. The program combines community development principles with traditional culture to provide training to Indigenous and non-Indigenous participants from all over Australia in dispute resolution, mediation and leadership skills. These skills are then applied to a variety of individual and community problems, including family violence.

Description of the Mawul Rom Project

The Mawul Ceremony has been used for centuries as a means of healing relationships between family and clan members as well as between other individuals and groups. However, it was not until conversations occurred between Rev Dr Djiniyini Gondarra and Patrick McIntyre in 1998, that the potential of cross-cultural bridge-building between the Ceremony and contemporary mediation was recognised.

The planning process involving collaborations between Yolngu people and non- Indigenous alternative dispute resolution experts took 6 years, with the pilot being delivered in 2004.

Mawul Rom fits within the alternative dispute resolution (ADR) paradigm. ADR is an umbrella term to describe ways of dealing with conflicts without going to court.

ADR proponents argue that ADR leads to more just outcomes, is more cost effective and therefore more accessible. ADR is used by Indigenous people in criminal justice, family law, native title, land rights, commercial decision-making, employment and community disputes and has the potential to adapt to the cultural needs of Indigenous communities.

The interest in ADR with Indigenous communities is reflected in recent research projects such as the Indigenous Facilitation and Mediation project undertaken by the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies, as well as, initiatives undertaken by the National Native Title Tribunal and the Federal Court of Australia.

The pilot project began in 2004 with 43 Indigenous and non-Indigenous participants from all over Australia.

The Mawul Rom Project involves traditional ceremony and educational components. The objectives of the project are:

• to promote cross cultural education regarding matters such as dispute resolution and leadership;
• provide research development in both Indigenous and non- Indigenous modes of learning to facilitate effective cross-cultural decision making;
• assist Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians to develop through experiential learning and understanding of national and international developments in dispute resolutions;
• establish an on-going dispute resolution education program that runs annually and focuses on decision making, mediation and leadership;
• enable cross cultural exchange in both new and established educational environments, including professional and educational institutions; and
• to continue to foster reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples.^[98]

Mawul Rom is delivered over a four year period, starting with the one week induction workshop at Galiwin’ku. The first week intensive workshop is not limited to those completing the program. Those who begin with the pre-requisite induction and continue with the program for the 4 years will qualify as unique cross-culturally appropriate mediators and leaders.

The Mawul Ceremony is described by Rev Dr Djiniyini Gondarra as:

a healing ceremony- it heals peoples’ relationships. It is an opportunity to heal the hurt, the pain, the scar of the past. It is through the Mawul Ceremony that we bring people together in the spirit of reconciliation. Individuals and families benefit... When people carry a scar or a hurt, Mawul is a vehicle, a channel, for healing. There is an opportunity for people to come together.^[99]

Involvement in the Ceremony is an important part of learning about traditional dispute resolution. All participants are painted each day so that they can participate in Ceremony.

The Mawul programme consists of four daily learning processes:

• work under the Banyan Tree: time for structured discussions among participants;
• unstructured reflective/ relationship building space;
• ceremonial education and performance; and
• Mawul Ceremony meal and mediation.

The Mawul Rom course is now recognised as both a Graduate Diploma and Master level qualification with Charles Darwin University.

Impact of the Mawul Rom Project

A full four year ‘learning cycle’ of Mawul Rom has not yet been completed. Mawul Rom has attracted considerable interest with 90 participants in 2007, with over 100 Yolngu community members attending throughout the week and over 1,000 community members joining the closing ceremony.^[100]

Over 40 Indigenous participants have gone through the initial training.^[101] They have gone back to their communities with dispute resolution skills that they have been able to apply to a number of community problems, including family violence and family disputes. Many of these people have gone on to find full time or contract work in dispute resolution.

Mawul Rom staff also indicate that the program has helped build pride and reinvigorate the local Yolngu people who are very proud that their ceremonies and culture are being recognised. Recently this has been seen in the increased number of young people getting involved.

Mawul Rom has recently developed partnerships with the Australian Federal Police, Department of Families, Community Services and Indigenous Affairs and the Northern Territory Department of Justice. This is recognition of the success of the project so far, but also represents the opportunity to provide cross-cultural skills to non-Indigenous people working in these important interfaces with Indigenous communities. It will, however, be several years before the longer term impact of the Programme will be known.

V) Balgo Women’s Law Camp

Aboriginal women have the answers themselves. Women and children at the Balgo Women's Law Camp

© Zohl de Ishtar, 2007.

The Balgo Women’s Law Camp was a community initiated cultural development activity organised by the Kapululangu Aboriginal Women’s Association in August 2007. The Women’s Law Camp blended traditional law and culture with community development principles to develop local strategies to tackle violence and abuse.

Balgo is a remote Indigenous community located on the boundary between the Great Sandy Desert and the Tanami Desert in Western Australia. It is about 280 kilometres south- east of Halls Creek along the Tanami Track and 830 kilometres northwest of Alice Springs.

Balgo is on Walmatjarri country and is the hometown of people from seven language groups, including the Kukatja, Ngarti, Warlpiri, Pintupi, Wangkatjungka and Djaru peoples. Balgo was established as a Catholic Mission Station in 1939. It is part of the 2.6 million hectare Balwina Aboriginal reserve.

Balgo has a population of 460 people, 410 who are Indigenous.^[103] Balgo retains strong culture, with 74.5% of people speaking Kukatja and other Indigenous languages.^[104] However, like most remote Indigenous communities, there are problems with overcrowding and access to services.

Balgo came to the attention of the nation in 2004 when the Western Australian Coroner investigated the deaths of two young people by suicide following petrol sniffing. The Coroner painted a grim picture of life in Balgo and poor government cooperation to deliver essential services:

If people have inadequate or poor quality food, then they need to be provided with more and better quality food. If they live in a dirty and unhygienic environment, then the environment needs to be cleaned up. These propositions seem to be simple and yet their achievement appears to have been beyond the capability of both Commonwealth and State Governments in spite of the provision of very considerable amounts of money for which is, in the context of Balgo, a relatively small number of persons.^[105]

According to Dr Zohl dé Ishtar, Coordinator of the Kapululangu Aboriginal Women’s Association, petrol sniffing has decreased in Balgo but has been replaced with cannabis use instead.^[106]

Anecdotally, family violence and abuse are considerable problems in Balgo with Dr dé Ishtar estimating around three to four incidents of family violence a week.^[107] There is a permanent police presence in Balgo but no safe house. The Western Australian Special Police Taskforce on Child Sexual Abuse has visited Balgo in response to allegations of abuse.^[108]

Despite these poor circumstances, Balgo is renowned for its art, with some of its artists being amongst the most sought out in the Indigenous art world.

Description of the Balgo Women’s Law Camp

The Balgo Women’s Law Camp was an initiative of the Kapululangu Aboriginal Women’s Association. The Kapululangu Aboriginal Women’s Association is the only women’s organisation in Balgo (and in the south-east Kimberley) and was initiated and established by the women Elders of the community and has a membership of women from all age groups.

Kapululangu Aboriginal Women’s Association was established in 1999 by the female Elders in Balgo. It aims to revitalise law and culture and care for women in the community. The Association’s current activities include:

• organisation of the Balgo Women’s Law Camp;
• support for women’s law and culture;
• ceremonies on the Balgo Women’s Law Ground;
• Tjarrtjurra - Women’s healing sessions;
• weekly hunting and bush medicine gathering trips;
• Tjilimi- women’s house for Elders living together on the Balgo Women’s Law Ground;
• daily assistance to women’s elders- shopping and attending the clinic; and
• advocacy for local women and liaising with government departments.^[109]

Kapululangu’s Elders decided to call the Balgo Women’s Law Camp following concerns about the Australian Government emergency intervention in the Northern Territory and Western Australian Special Police Taskforce on Child Sexual Abuse. In particular, the Western Australian Special Police Taskforce on Child Sexual Abuse visited Balgo in mid July 2007. According to Kapululangu there were concerns that the Task Force had:

failed to inform and consult with the community Elders before visiting the community, and had not involved the Elders and parents in their questioning of young women and men...They complained that, although a few residents were involved in these meetings, the majority of the community had no idea that these meetings were happening until they were over. ^[110]

These concerns, coupled with incidences on family violence and worries over the disconnection of the younger generations with their cultural heritage, led the Kapululangu Aboriginal Women’s Association to develop the Camp. The Kapululangu wanted to:

deliver a strong message to the governments that the Kapululangu women were capable of making an important contribution to their community’s well-being.^[111]

Or as one of the Elders, Margaret Anjule Napurrula puts it:

We have to show government we have strong Law here. They can’t rubbish it. We have got strong Law ourselves.^[112]

Over 100 women and girls attended the camp on the 24-27 August 2007, with 75 Indigenous participants from places such as Balgo, Mulan, Halls Creek, Perth and as far away as Lismore and Sydney. There were 15 non-Indigenous representatives from various state departments such as the WA Department for Indigenous Affairs, Child Protection agencies, the Department of Crime Prevention and police.

Organising the Law Camp involved the entire community. The women Elders initiated the Camp and networked with women in other communities, local men assisted with preparing for the camp and were involved in its closing ritual, and all of Balgo’s local agencies provided resources. Women from nearby Mulan, Billiluna and Ringers Soak were also involved. The Camp was funded by Kapululangu, Balgo’s Palyalatju Maparnpa Health Committee, and the Kimberley Aboriginal Law and Culture Centre in Fitzroy Crossing. The Australian Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, at the University of Queensland, supported Dr dé Ishtar’s organisational contribution.

There were 3 core objectives addressed at the Balgo Women’s Law Camp:

• To reinvigorate or wake young men and women up to the powerful contribution Women’s Law can make in addressing abuse and violence problems in communities;
• To identify other strategies for addressing concerns within communities such as child sexual abuse and family violence; and
• To urge the Government and other bodies to fund the Kapululangu project which is currently the only women’s organisation representing Balgo.^[113]

The camp blended traditional women’s law ceremonies with community discussions about how to tackle troubling issues. The ceremonies had a very powerful effect for those involved and also served as an opportunity for younger women to learn about Law.

The final day of the camp involved discussions about community problems and solutions. An overview of discussions and strategies, documented in the ‘Aboriginal Women Have Answers Themselves’ report can be found below at Table 2.

Table 2 - Overview of Discussion and Strategies at the Balgo Women’s Law Camp^[114]

Impact of the Balgo Women’s Law Camp

The Balgo Women’s Law Camp has not been formally evaluated, but by all accounts it has had a positive impact on the community. The entire process was empowering for the community and according to Dr dé Ishtar reinforced:

how strong and proud people feel in themselves. They were so tall they were floating.^[115]

The opportunity to discuss community problems also built up the women’s confidence in their ability to generate their own answers. The strategies identified by the women are a very good starting point for further planning and implementation of services in Balgo.

The Balgo Women’s Law Camp took a strong stand against family violence and abuse in the community, using the authority of Women’s Law to back up to the messages. The women also successfully included the men in the Women’s Law Camp. Although men were not allowed at the campsite, they helped prepare the site by grading the road, providing wood, water and meat to the women. As a sign of respect, when the women returned to the Balgo community centre, the men were waiting for them with heads bowed in acknowledgment of the power and strength of Women’s Law.

The challenge is to build on the momentum created by the Law Camp to support the community to realise the aspirations and plans that it has identified.

Kapululangu Aboriginal Women’s Association is currently unfunded. Kapululangu last received substantial governmental funding in 2001. An $8,000 grant allocated by the Indigenous Women’s Program from the Indigenous Coordination Centre (ICC), for 2005-2006 was not received until September 2007.

Its survival is dependant on the good will, commitment and resilience of the women Elders. Whilst this demonstrates the tenacity of these women and makes the achievements of the Balgo Women’s Law Camp all the more significant, it prevents the sustained community cultural development that has been identified as a priority in Balgo.

The lack of supporting infrastructure, notably a Safe House also poses challenges to the women of the Kapululangu Aboriginal Women’s Association. This is because when Balgo women are seeking refuge they prefer to approach the Kapululangu Tjilimi (Women’s House) on the Women’s Law Ground for protection. Because Kapululangu does not have adequate funding to resource a fully secure safe refuge this places the Elders who live in the Tjilimi at risk of violence.^[116]

b) Healing

Healing services are essential to mend the harm caused by family violence and abuse as well as prevent further harm and allow individuals and communities to move forward. Healing is a concept that can be notoriously difficult to define, yet its impact is powerful.

This section sketches some of the issues around healing, including a brief look at the Canadian experience of healing programs. It will also showcase three instances of promising healing programs:

1. Rekindling the Spirit - a family centred healing service in Lismore, Northern New South Wales that addresses the harm of family violence and abuse;
2. Yorgum Aboriginal Family Counselling Service - a Perth based Indigenous controlled and staffed counselling and community development service assisting victims of family violence, sexual abuse and Stolen Generation members; and
3. Western Australian Healing Project - a collection of healing projects run in a variety of urban, rural and remote Indigenous communities.

What is healing?

Healing is something we often talk about in relation to Indigenous people and programs. Because it is such a broad, context driven concept it can sometimes be hard to define. Similarly, because it is linked to individual and community empowerment it is crucial that the meaning is ultimately set by those involved in the process.

The Social Justice Report 2004 dealt with the need for healing services in relation to women exiting prison. Before that, the Bringing them home report made a number of recommendations related to healing and wellbeing service for members of the Stolen Generations. In the Social Justice Report 2004, healing is described as:

A significant process for empowering Indigenous communities and creating improved partnerships to address the legacy of family violence and abuse... Indigenous concepts of healing are based on addressing the relationship between the spiritual, emotional and physical in a holistic manner. An essential element of Indigenous healing is recognising the interconnections between, and effects of, violence, social and economic disadvantage, racism and dispossession from land and culture on Indigenous people, families and communities.

Healing can be context-specific - such as, addressing issues of grief and loss - or more general by assisting individuals deal with any trauma they may have experienced. The varying nature of healing demonstrates that it cannot be easily defined, with healing manifesting itself differently in different communities. ^[118]

Examples of healing processes include:

Women - specific and men - specific groups; story- telling circles; cultural activities; understanding the impacts of issues such as racism, colonisation and identity on Indigenous well-being; the use of mentors and/ or Elders to provide support to individuals; and retreats or residential-style components where participants spend a period of time going through the healing process, usually on a spiritually significant site, away from their families and communities.^[119]

Healing can occur at the individual as well as community level. It aims to deal with different layers of trauma experienced by Indigenous communities. Often, healing will seek to mend the harms of the past, as well as contemporary manifestations of trauma through violence and abuse in communities. Healing is holistic so these two layers of hurt cannot be separated.

Judy Atkinson describes this as ‘transgenerational trauma’.^[120] Others refer to it as historical trauma theory.^[121] It:

supports the notion that an individual does not have to experience such events in their own life to suffer – traumatic events in the lives of one generation reverberate in the next.^[122]

In their review of violence prevention strategies in Indigenous communities, Memmott and others argue that:

What is required is treatment and ‘healing’ on a massive scale, including the healing of individuals, families and whole communities. Without intervention and without healing and recovery from the long-term effects of the underlying longitudinal causes of violence impacting on Aboriginal people as well as the situational and precipitating factors, cycles of inter-generational violence will continue.^[123]

There is a slowly increasing number of healing programs in Australia, although there remains very little research and evaluation in the area. Canada, however, is much further advanced and has a body of literature supporting effective healing programs as a result of the activities supported by the Aboriginal Healing Foundation (AHF) over the past decade.

The Aboriginal Healing Foundation (AHF) is an aboriginal-managed not for profit organisation. The AHF was established in 1998 through a one off $350 million grant from the federal government of Canada. ^[124]

This has allowed funding up to 2009 to encourage and support through research and funding, community-based Aboriginal run healing initiatives which address the legacy of the Indian Residential School System. Additional funding under the Residential Schools Settlement Agreement is likely to extend their work until 2012. ^[125]

The AHF works under the vision of helping Aboriginal communities heal themselves. It has encouraged innovative and creative services that tackle the immediate and intergenerational effects of the Residential School System but also assist services to become sustainable in their own right. The AHF has made 1,345 grants to Aboriginal organisations since 1998.^[126]

This model gives substantial control to Aboriginal people to determine how healing needs are met. The AHF has demonstrated a commitment to long term funding of the programs as they realise that healing is not a process that can be rushed and can take time to bear fruit.

The AHF has evaluated its programs and developed a guide to promising healing practices which identifies key characteristics of good services. These include:

• values and guiding principles that reflect an Aboriginal worldview;
• a healing environment that is personally and culturally safe;
• a capacity to heal represented by skilled healers and healing teams;
• an historical component, including education about residential schools and their impacts;
• cultural interventions and activities; and
• a diverse range and combination of traditional and contemporary therapeutic interventions.^[127]

Although these principles are based on Canadian experiences they may also help guide effective healing services for Indigenous peoples in Australia.

I) Rekindling the Spirit

Healing: Chris Binge and sons at a Rekindling the Spirit men's camp.

The Rekindling the Spirit Program is an Indigenous owned and run initiative based at Lismore which provides a holistic healing service to Indigenous communities, families and individuals with an emphasis on behavioural change. Many of the participants are ex-offenders or have been referred by child protection services.

Lismore is a regional centre in northern New South Wales. Lismore district has a relatively large Indigenous population, with over 1,800 Indigenous people making up the total population of around 35,000 people.^[128] The region has four times the state average of Indigenous people.

Lismore is part of Bundjalung country. There are more than ten distinct Indigenous groups across the Northern Rivers districts that make up the broader Lismore district. Like other Indigenous communities across Australia, Lismore continues to face significant socio-economic disadvantage.

The Rekindling the Spirit Program also works with clients from rural